Taiwan Today

Free Chinese heed their President and stand firm against appeasement of

Fifteen million people of the Republic of and nearly 19 million overseas Chinese reacted calmly to Richard Nixon's bombshell. So did the free Chinese government. The announcement of President Nixon's intention to visit was obviously cause for concern. But Chinese people and government were buoyed by the words of President Chiang Kai-shek, who had said in mid-June:

"If all of us stand firm in our conviction of what is right and just in accordance with our principles, we shall have peace of mind and find solace. We shall be free from anxiety and fear. Moreover, danger and doubt will give us opportunity to manifest our convictions of righteousness and justice, and anxiety and pain will provide our nation with opportunity for rebirth ...

"Some countries of today are myopic and lured by immediate advantage to the point of irrationality and the ignoring of righteousness. These nations talk of peace but actually are engaging in actions which destroy peace. Should we be angered, discouraged or even intimidated by these nations and thereby depart from our faith and lose our temper, this would be tan­tamount to failure ...

"If all of us can respect and reinvigorate ourselves, if we can be cautious enough to make sure that our judgment is sound and that we are holding firm to the independent and persevering spirit of our nation and people, if we can fight in terms of will, and not in terms of passionate nature, then there will be no test that we cannot pass, no difficulty that cannot be defeated."

Nixon made his announcement in a brief televi­sion address June 15. He said that the trip would "not be at the expense of our old friends" -a reference to the Republic of China. Both Washington and Taipei said Nixon had sent a personal letter to President Chiang assuring him that the United States would con­tinue to honor its military commitments to the Re­public of China. The two countries are bound by a mutual assistance treaty which obligates the to respond to any aggression against or the Penghu ().

On July 16 (July 15 time), Vice President and Premier Yen Chia-kan issued a statement express­ing "great surprise" at the Nixon plan to visit the Chinese mainland. "We have a thorough understand­ing of the ambitions, intrigues and deceits of the Chi­nese Communists," the statement said. "Recalling the bitter experience suffered by the free world in the past, we regret to see a friendly nation deceived by the Chinese Communists. This could lead to a tragedy far more serious than that involved in the fall of the Chi­nese mainland."

Recalling wars in and Southeast Asia, the Vice President expressed fear that the was paving the way for further aggression by . As for the Republic of China, he said, "We shall never yield to any pressure or to any violence or might. We must implement President Chiang's instruction not to be afraid when confronted by adverse change, to help ourselves, to strengthen self-reliance and to hold firm in the struggle to accomplish our national goal. We believe sincerely that the forces of righteousness will triumph in the struggle for truth and freedom and will win the final victory." (See Documents for full text.)

Ambassador to the United States James Shen de­livered a protest to the State Department and expressed dissatisfaction with the explanation of Assistant Secre­tary Marshall Green. The ambassador spoke of agreement to the trip without consulting the Republic of China as a "shabby deal" and made these additional points:

- This "is not the kind of thing a friend and ally should do without prior consultation or sufficient notice."

- Difficulties lie ahead in the Sino-American relationship.

- 's future lies in the hands of the Chinese people and the government of the Republic of China has every confidence in that future.

- It is unfortunate that an anti-Communist fighter such as Nixon should have involved himself in such an undertaking.

- The government of the Republic of China regards the Chinese Communists as rebels and is continuing its efforts to restore freedom to the people of the mainland.

Ambassador Shen said he "couldn't believe my cars" when he heard of Nixon's plans. His advance notice was only half an hour, he added. Subsequently, he expressed the view that the Chinese Communists would use the Nixon trip to strengthen their oppressive hold on the people of the mainland and to play off the against the .

The Republic of China will never enter into negotiations with the Chinese Reds, the envoy to declared. "Chou En-lai apparently is trying to give outsiders - by outsiders I mean people other than those on - the feeling that possibly we could work with them again. Actually, we see nothing of that kind ahead - absolutely nothing," he said.

The Chinese ambassador told a nationwide Amer­ican television audience that the Nixon announcement had aroused doubts of credibility in free Asian countries. He mentioned the near crisis in the Japanese Cabinet, and said:

"The feeling in the back of some people's heads in is if the could do this to the Republic of China, who can tell that similar things might not be done to other friends of your country."

Strong reaction against the Nixon plan came from civic bodies and leaders of the Republic of China.

The National Assembly urged the chief exe­cutive to call off the trip as a betrayal of allies. "We are indignant that as the leader of the free world, President Nixon should have tried to appease the ag­gressor by sacrificing moral principle," the statement said.

More than 120 business and industrial organiza­tion assailed what was described as Nixon's "suicidal decision." He was urged to "slow down" before ap­peasement led to tragedy.

Members of the Legislative Yuan spoke out, some of them angrily. Hu Chiu-yuan, an historian, said the "has not been a reliable friend for a long time." Kuo Teh-chuan said Nixon was seeking to catch fish on a tree and that he would lose his supporters. Wang Pao-hsuan said the Republic of China had relied on the too long and too much. Tao Yung, convenor of the Foreign Affairs Committee, said Nixon was breaking faith with those who died fighting Communism in and . He said trying to playoff Peiping against could lead to tragedy for the .

Control Yuan members expressed similar views. Chang Hsiu-lan, convenor of the Foreign Relations Committee, said Nixon had gladdened enemy hearts and saddened friends. Yuan Ching-hui said the trip would play into the hands of the Chinese Communists and damage Nixon's standing in the free world.

Teng Kung-hsung, deputy director of the and a legislator, said Nixon's so-called "journey for peace" was really a "junket for re-election."

The Taiwan Provincial Assembly called for can­cellation of the Nixon plans. The provincial legislators said Nixon had damaged the Republic of China and "disgraced the as leader of the free world."

Returning from the meeting of the Asian and Pacific Council in , Foreign Minister Chow Shu-kai warned the against "dealing with today's situation without consideration of tomorrow." Peiping issued the invitation to cover up its internal turmoil, he said, and in the hope of driving a wedge between the and the Republic of China.

Chen Yu-ching, chief of the fourth section of the Kuomintang Central Committee, told the ruling party's Sun Yat-sen memorial meeting that the Nixon visit could touch off a new mainland "cultural revolution" against Chou En-lai's "pro-American imperialist" policy. Nixon is gambling, hoping to profit domestically and internationally, he said, but the attempt is likely to backfire, leading to disappointment among American voters and further tension in the Asian and Pacific region.

Chen Yu-ching, chief of the fourth section of the Kuomintang Central Committee, bade the free Chinese people to follow President Chiang and stick to self-reliance. "We must use our heads, pluck up our cour­age and keep our cool so as eventually to topple the Mao regime and accomplish our mission of mainland recovery," he said.

From Ku Cheng-kang, honorary chairman of the World Anti-Communist League, came declaration that the Nixon trip could push the world "to the brink of catastrophe." He said that plans for the Peiping trip was one of the worst blunders ever committed by the .

The Chinese Communists will not alter their anti­-American policy as the result of President Nixon's agreement to go to , said Dr. Wei Yu-sun, spokesman of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

A written statement from Buddhists of Taiwan asked Nixon to change his mind, lest he bring disaster to humankind. The Chinese Communists have sought to destroy Buddhism and all other religions, said the communication from the Chinese Buddhist Association. Also opposing the trip was the Council of Christian Churches.

Nine representatives of students in went to the U.S. Embassy with a message of protest. They said that the Maoists had slaughtered 60 million Chinese since 1949 and that the Republic of China is the "true representative of the Chinese people."

Chinese students representing four colleges and universities marched in front of the American Embassy carrying placards which said: "We Oppose Secret Deals," "We Won't Permit Another Yalta" and "Nixon, Go Slow." A petition of protest was delivered for transmission to the White House.

Addressing the Asian Parliamentarians' Union and the Asia Goodwill Exchange Association in , Chang Chun, the presidential secretary-general, ex­pressed doubt that Nixon would really make the trip. He said there 'could be big changes in the mainland situation or in world affairs that would lead to aborting of the plan.

Foreign reaction was mixed. Especially interest­ing was that of the . Silence came first. Then the Russians parroted a Bulgarian commentary maintaining that the Americans and Chinese Communists were maneuvering against the U.S.S.R. This is standard operating procedure when the Kremlin regards a subject as too sensitive for direct comment. The Soviet embassy publication in subsequent­ly said Nixon was seeking a deal with Peiping for peace in .

In , Prime Minister Eisaku Sato was resentful at President Nixon's failure to give him advance notice of the announcement. Publicly, Sato said he was not surprised and that he was in no hurry to get to . Later he said he might consider a trip to the mainland.

reacted politely. President Nguyen Van Thieu later said he was not optimistic "because I do not think Red China has abandoned its hope to invade the whole of ."

One broadcast accused the - and by implication - of trying to make a big power deal at the expense of small states.

President Ferdinand Marcos of the said his country would explore the possibility of a meeting of Asian and Pacific countries to discuss implications of the Nixon move.

Reaching Hongkong after a week's visit to the Chinese mainland, Robert L. Stanfield, leader of 's opposition Conservative Party, said there would be no concrete results from the trip unless President Nixon was prepared to make significant concessions. He said the Chinese Reds, including the act­ing "foreign minister," Chi Peng-fei, and Kuo Mo-jo, a member of the CCP Central Committee, were em­phatic in demanding the surrender of to .

Not surprisingly, expressed pleasure. Only the British were given advance notice of Nixon's intentions.

expressed shock. Officials in at first doubted the accuracy of the announce­ment.

From the newspaper of the Chinese Communist Party came the observation that Nixon's visit "might cause even more trouble in world politics." The article said that the "great and exploding flirtation between and (Red) does not offer good prospects for the future."

As for the Chinese Communists, they made the announcement and then proceeded to the usual attacks on the Americans as "imperialists." The only change seemed to be that Nixon was not assailed personally. The "people's liberation army" chief of staff said that Chinese and North Korean Communists had joined together in "alliance and united front against the United States and Japan."

Members of the U.S. Congress posed many ques­tions about the projected Nixon trip. Some were strongly opposed. Even Senator J. William Fulbright, an ardent advocate of coexistence with Peiping, 'said' that if things went wrong, the relationship with the Chinese Communists might be worse than ever.

Senator John Tower of Texas said he was disturbed, considering the "irrational attitudes, international banditry and dogmatic, virulent, bellicose brand of Communism" to be found in .

Senator James Buckley of said Presi­dent Nixon's plan would strengthen the hands of those seeking accommodation with the Communists at any price.

Senator Strom Thurmond of urged further reassurances to such Far Eastern allies as the Republics of China and . No agreement jeopard­izing their interests should be entered into, he said.

Senator Peter Dominick of expressed fear of adverse effects on relationships around the world.

Senator Hugh Scott of said "must have been shocked and stunned."

Representative John Ashbrook of told the Lower House that the Nixon visit could only encourage the aggressive intentions of the Chinese Communists and their client regimes in and . He said he was repelled by the idea of Nixon sitting down with a murderer of Chou En-lai's ilk.

Representatives Rousselot, Otto Passman of Louisiana and Philip Crane of were also critical but expressed hope that President Nixon would not make concessions which would endanger the rela­tionship with the Republic of China.

Thomas G. Corcoran, a confidant and adviser of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, said that Nixon had lost his bargaining power by agreeing to go to . He expressed fear that with an election in the offing, Nixon might be tempted to make too many concessions in return for "some kind of victory, at least on paper."

Dr. Carl McIntire, national chairman of the March for Victory Committee, accused President Nixon of abandoning moral principles. He likened the proposed Peiping meeting to one between God and the devil, and said that for the "to honor by presidential visit a slave nation which permits no religious worship" was degrading.

Dr. McIntire led a protest demonstration at in . Other marches took place in , at the foot of the Statue of Liberty in , and in Baltimore, Unionville () and .

Twelve conservative leaders, including William A. Rusher, publisher of the National Review, announced "suspension" of their support of the Nixon administration because of the President's overtures to Red China and other "failures" of his foreign policy.

Chinese communities across the raised their' voices against the Nixon trip and urged reconsideration. Telegrams were dispatched to the White House by the Overseas Chinese Anti-Commu­nist League and the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Associations of leading cities.

From the Orange County Chapter of the Califor­nia Republic Asembly, oldest in the state, came censure of President Nixon for "betrayal of principles." is Nixon's birthplace and one of the strongest Republican strongholds in the .

Visiting , Ernest Hoberecht, former vice president of United Press International, said Americans have been confused by Nixon's foreign policy. A newsman in Asia for 24 years, Horberecht said would not change and Nixon would encounter difficulty in trying to relax tensions.

President Nixon apparently had been listening to the sound and the fury. At his August 5 press con­ference he suggested that too much should not be ex­pected of the Peiping meeting, especially as regards progress toward peace in . He said he did not expect that the talks would settle all differences.

Two "old hands" warned Nixon against trying to match wits with Chou En-lai. Bruno Shaw, who lived in Hankow for 10 years and published an English-language paper there, said Nixon risks going down in history as the Neville Chamberlain of our time. Freda Utley, formerly a leftist writer, said Gen­eral George C. Marshall was charmed by Chou En-lai in postwar and observed that "The wheel has gone full circle. It is almost as if we were determined to repeat the errors of the past."

On August 2, Secretary of State William P. Rogers announced the would favor the seating of Red China in the United Nations General Assembly this fall while opposing any move to expel the Republic of China. This was President Nixon's "new policy."

did not take a position on the future of 's permanent seat on the Security Council. He said that under the Charter, "the Security Council will make this decision. We, for our part, are prepared to have this question resolved on the basis of a decision of the members of the United Nations."

said "The Republic of China has played a loyal and conscientious role in the U.N. since the organization was founded. It has lived up to all of its Charter obligations. Having made remarkable progress in developing its own economy, it has cooperated internationally by providing valuable technical assistance to a number of less developed countries, particularly in ."

Also on August 2, the ROC Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a declaration calling for efforts of "peace-loving and justice-loving" members of the United Nations to defeat the Albanian resolution to seat the Peiping regime and expel free . (Text of the statement will be found in the Documents section of this issue.)

Convened in on August 6 with Foreign Minister Chow Shu-kai presiding was a meeting of 10 ambassadors, mostly from the Asian-Pacific region, to consider Chinese policy in the light of the Nixon plans for a trip to Peiping and the announcement of a "two " strategy at the United Nations. Similar meetings were scheduled in the Europe-Middle Eastern region and .

The National Assembly described the policy shift as "a move sacrificing justice and surrendering to aggressors." The Control Yuan echoed these senti­ments, as did civic bodies and leaders throughout the Republic of China.

Speaking in , Ambassador James Shen urged the free world to save the United Nations from the fate of the . "I cannot accept the proposition that the purposes and principles of the U.N. Charter must be abandoned for the sake of reflecting the realities of the world situation. The Charter is the basic law of the United Nations. You cannot tamper with the basic law of an organization without doing irreparable damage to the organization itself."

He said the Chinese Communists were not merely seeking a U.N. seat but had determined to remake the organization in their own image. With as a member, he added, the U.N. would be used "to promote conflict and dissension so as to transform the organization into an instrument of (Chinese Communist) policy."

In answer to a question, Ambassador Shen im­plied that if the matter of Chinese Communist member­ship ever came before the Security Council, the Re­public of China would have no hesitation in casting its second veto. The first was against membership for .

Americans who propose to put in the U.N. "are proposing a miracle linking of the lion and the lamb," he said. He expressed confidence that there are still enough members who care about the Charter and the continued existence of the U.N. to keep the Republic of China in the international organization.

Peiping reacted angrily to the ' announce­ment. "The clumsy "two Chinas" trick played by imperialism is absolutely illegal and futile," said the "New China News Agency"

Writing from Peiping, James Reston of the New York Times said that the Western diplomatic colony there believes the Chinese Communists are prepared to receive President Nixon "because she wants and 's seat in the United Nations." He said that Nixon can expect no concessions on , no compromises on and only violent opposition to a stronger military role for .

Reston said the diplomats were asking whether Nixon can afford the price of rapprochement with the regime. "In short, the question being asked by Western diplomats (in ) is what Mr. Nixon hopes to get out of all this, except a relaxation of tensions as an argument for re-election."

A similar view came from Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the deposed ruler of , now residing in . Sihanouk said Chou En-lai assured him the Nixon meeting would not affect Peiping's policies toward . In a message to Cambodians, Sihanouk said would be the principal subject at the conference.

In the wake of Rogers' announcement, the Ameri­can delegation at the United Nations began lining up votes for resolutions which would: (1) hold the mem­bership of the Republic of China to be an important question not subject to change without a two-thirds majority, (2) assurance of the continued membership of the Republic of China and (3) the seating of Red China.

Editorial opinion was extensive in on both Nixon's plans for a trip to Peiping and the "new policy" of the . These are excerpts:

- Chung Yang Jih Pao (Central Daily News), the paper of the ruling Kuomintang: The Nixon visit has a lot to do with the next presidential election. Anti­-Communist countries of Asia, Africa and the Pacific believe the is no longer to be trusted. The change in U.S. China policy contradicts American ideals. Free will continue its struggle not merely for and the but for the people of the mainland and for enslaved peoples everywhere.

- Chung Kuo Shih Pao (China Times): Nixon has acted irrationally. The can no longer be trusted or relied upon. The Republic of China must follow a policy of self-reliance and demand information on any commitments made to Peiping by the . The sell-out of must not be repeated. support for seating Peiping at the U.N. is inconsistent with the sacrifices made in the Korean and wars.

- Lien Ho Pao (United Daily News): President Nixon abased himself and humiliated the in accepting Chou En-lai's invitation. If the continues to ignore moral obligations to its allies, who will ever trust the Americans again? has unnecessarily demonstrated defeatism in an­nouncing the acceptance of Chinese Communist membership in the United Nations. Now the must fight shoulder to shoulder with the Republic of China to preserve the latter's permanent seat on the Security Council.

- Chung Hua Jih Pao (China Daily News): Al­though President Nixon's announcement brought Sino-American relations to their lowest ebb, the two coun­tries are long-time allies and any differences may be discussed frankly. The , and Re­ public of must cooperate to keep out of the United Nations.

- Post: does not represent the people of the mainland. President Nixon should con­sider that if a plebiscite could be held on the mainland, the people would overwhelmingly reject Communism.

The China News discussed the Nixon and U.N. questions at length in a series of editorials. These are excerpts:

"Peace is not to be found in . The people of this country cannot help but wonder whether Presi­dent Nixon's projected trip to the Chinese mainland is a 'journey for peace' or a 'junket for re-election.'

"For all his anti-Communist fighting, Richard Nixon is naive on the subject of Communism. He still thinks agreements can be made with the Reds and that Peiping may be persuaded to talk into coexistence with .

"Having gone this far, won't Nixon be compelled to make concessions? Even negotiators less astute and grasping than Chou En-lai and Mao Tse-tung would not be inclined to give Nixon anything without a sizable quid pro quo. The fact of an American election in November next year is not exactly a secret in .

"Nixon cannot hand over to the Communists. He is prevented from doing so by a treaty of alli­ance and by American public opinion. However, he could de-emphasize the military aspects of ties with the Republic of China. This is less than the Chinese Communists will demand but they have no expectations of getting all they ask.

"Mao Tse-tung said, in 1945, 'There are no straight roads in the world. We must be prepared to follow twists and turns and not try to get things on the cheap.' The Maoists would never have invited Nixon without a prior decision to give him something - or pretend to - in return for what they want most,

"This is much in the minds of thoughtful governments and peoples all over the world. The projected Nixon trip is more dangerous to the future of freedom and prospects for peace than anything that has happen­ed in the last quarter century.

"This country is angry and justifiably so. Presi­dent Nixon has treated us shabbily without cause. He has been less than frank with an ally. He is consorting with the enemy at a time when our United Nations seat is seriously challenged.

"But our anger must be cold, calculating and cor­rect. As President Chiang Kai-shek recently told us, we must not-above all-lose our cool.

"There's a lot of water yet to go under the dam before the Americans abandon honor and embark upon a course of all-out appeasement. The Republic of China has many friends in the . Presi­dent Nixon used to be one. The peace-minded ad­visers and left-leaning pragmatists who surround him cannot have turned him full circle.

"Possibly we lack the power to persuade President Nixon not to go to . We can, however, use every influence at our command to screw up his faltering courage. The stake is not merely our own survival. As President Chiang has told us, the of China and the free Chinese people are the bulwark and the hope of a liberated and a peaceful world.

"Many of our Asian friends feel the same way. may want trade with the Chinese mainland. The last thing the Japanese want is a Chinese Communist political and military presence in . The same holds true for , and the .

"President Nixon has declined to pay the Com­munist price for peace in . When he learns that Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai will never retreat from their position of 'no Taiwan, no peace,' he must surely be compelled to stick with United States' allies which are trustworthy as well as old.

"An which values its principles and keeps its word has no place else to go."

The China News urged a four-point program to defend the U.N. position and Security Council seat of the Republic of China, saying:

"What the seems to be proposing is that the General Assembly first vote that the expul­sion of the Republic of China would be considered an important question. This would kill the Albanian resolution unless it were split into two parts.

"What Secretary Rogers has not said is whether the has the support to get a vote against ROC expulsion before that on the Albanian resolution and whether it is assured of the necessary majority to invoke the two-thirds rule.

"The acts honorably in seeking to preserve the seat of the Republic of China. But hasn't it prejudiced its case in the endorsement of representa­tion for and two Chinas?

"A position based on two Chinas is danger­ous, and especially so when is ambiguous about the defense of the Republic of China and the ROC right to the Security Council seat. Last year the Chinese Communists got a majority of two on the Albanian resolution but were defeated by the two­-thirds rule. This year the simple majority for the Albanian resolution is estimated at 8 to 10 votes.

"The cannot hope to save the Republic of China's seat by taking a weak and vacillating position in an organization which is obviously bent on appeasement.

"If the U.S. government sincerely means what it says about determination to preserve the ROC seat, it must make clear (1) that the Republic of China is the China stipulated in the Charter .and will continue to hold one of the five permanent Security Council seats, (2) that the two-thirds rule must be applied in any vote to alter the U.N. status of the Republic of China, (3) that decision of the important question matter must take precedence over all other votes on China and (4) that American support for the seating of Pei­ping is predicated upon the continued membership of the Republic of China.

"Should the Chinese Communists refuse to go to the United Nations under such conditions, the best interests of the and the free world would be served. At the same time, the would have followed what seems to be a newly acquired categorical imperative to back the membership of the regime."